US President Barack Obama met the leaders of the
two most populous nations in a span of ten days. Obama paid a state visit to China
from November 15-18, where he met President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen
Jiabao. Soon after his return to Washington
from the APEC Summit in Singapore,
he greeted Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in Washington
as a state guest from November 23-25. The significance of these meeting lies in
the fact that both China
and India are
emerging Asian nations, and rivals in many respects.
Earlier, in July 2005, Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh had paid a state visit to US during the Bush administration, when he
addressed a joint session of the Congress. That visit laid the foundation for
closer relations, which culminated in the signing of the US-India civilian
nuclear deal in October 2008.
President Obama's China
visit was significant as the two countries have moved towards closer financial
and trade relations, despite grossly dissimilar political systems. What
dismayed the Indians is the fact that Obama did not include India
in his Asian itinerary. On the contrary, the joint statement issued in Beijing
on November 17 placed China
on a higher pedestal and signaled the recognition of a global player by the
Americans.
China
is, today, United States'
largest creditor nation. It has bought $ 801.5 billion worth of US Treasury
Bonds to help America's
ailing economy. China
has converted this financial dependence of the US
into legitimising its predominant role in Asia. Obama's
visit was thus a victory for Chinese diplomacy. China
got everything it wished for from the Americans.
To India
the worrying part of the joint statement was on South Asia.
It stated, "…… support the improvement and growth of relations between India
and Pakistan.
The two sides are ready to strengthen communication, dialogue and cooperation
on issues related to South Asia and work together to promote peace, stability
and development in that region." Clearly, the statement had subordinated India
to a level lower than that of China.
Delhi is deeply concerned that Washington
is encouraging China
to play a role in South Asia.
It is against this backdrop that Manmohan Singh
arrived for the state visit to US. Manmohan's sojourn was confined to Washington.
He had a two-hour talk with Obama at the White House. On November 24, Barack
Obama and First Lady Michelle hosted a state dinner for Manmohan Singh and his
wife Gursharan Kaur. This was the first state visit hosted by President Obama.
Eulogies and rhetoric were in abundance from both
sides. "The relationship between the United
States and India
will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century," Obama
declared at the news conference. "Mr. President, your journey to the White
House has captured the imagination of millions and millions of people in India.
You are an inspiration to all those who cherish the values of democracy,
diversity, and equal opportunity," remarked Manmohan Singh at the dinner
toast.
The visit produced several memorandums of
understanding and memorandums of interest and some agreements related to the
following areas -- advancing global security and counter- terrorism, green
partnership, economic trade and agriculture; enhancing US-India cooperation on
education and development, and cooperation in health. There was no agreement on
nuclear cooperation, though Obama told the press that he would push ahead with
the deal.
The joint statement between President Obama and
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh referred to a large number of bilateral issues. China
and Pakistan --
traditional rivals of India
-- figured rather prominently in Manmohan's interaction with the press.
The joint statement referred to "....
defeating terrorist safe havens in Pakistan
and Afghanistan."
Manmohan went a step forward and denounced Islamabad
for being selective in fighting terrorist organisations in Pakistan.
Obama, however, stressed Pakistan's
importance in the security of the South Asian region. Obama, without being
intrusive, also nudged India
to resume talks with Pakistan.
Manmohan indicated that he would do so if Pakistan
abjured terrorism. India
has been refusing to talk to Pakistan
since the terrorist attacks in Mumbai in November last year.
Referring to the India-China border dispute
Manmohan remarked, "…. there is but a certain amount of assertiveness on
the Chinese part. I don't fully understand the reason for it." The reason
is not far to look. Since the signing of the US-India nuclear deal China
has started viewing India
with suspicion.
China
was "seriously dissatisfied" when Manmohan Singh visited Araunachal
Pradesh last October for a campaign tour ahead of state elections. China
has made clear to India
that the territories in Aksai Chin in Ladakh, north of Kashmir,
and Arunachal Pradesh in North-East India belong to Tibet
and are thus parts of China.
The border tension between the two neighbouring giants may portend a conflict.
Manmohan was equally irrited when he was asked
about the Chinese economic growth rate. Acknowledging that China
had a higher growth rate than India,
Manmohan said, ... "there are other values which are more important than
the growth of Gross Domestic Product."
On global climate change, the two leaders
reaffirmed their intention to promote full, effective and sustained
implementation of the UNFCCC in accordance with the Bali Action Plan. They also
promised to work together at Copenhagen
in December for an agreed outcome at that meeting.
From Delhi's
point of view, Manmohan Singh's visit to Washington
was a tremendous success. The playing of national anthems, the sumptuousness of
the state dinner, glowing remarks about India
and the extravaganza at the White House were hyped to calm down the large
delegation that accompanied the Indian Prime Minister.
From Washington's
point of view, it was a balancing act of diplomacy, keeping US interests in
mind. The White House and the State Department tried to allay India's
fear that it has lost out to China.
At the end of the day, it was the White House
that emerged as the winner -- placating the two rival Asian giants and keping
them guessing.
Mahmood Hasan is former Ambassador and
Secretary, and Policy Advisor to Center for Foreign Affairs Studies.
