Pakistan In Serious Danger

Pakistan In Serious Danger

- Mahmood Hasan

 

PAKISTAN is at war with itself. The situation there is worrying and sad. It is worrying because the Taliban over the past several weeks have freely chosen to attack highly secure targets in Islamabad and other major cities, causing widespread damage. Clearly, the Taliban are now a force to reckon with. It is sad because Pakistanis are killing Pakistanis. Many innocent lives have been lost in these and previous attacks. Fear has gripped ordinary citizens.

On October 17, the army launched as offensive in lawless Waziristan to quell the Taliban insurgency. More lives on both sides will be lost. Hundreds of thousands will be displaced -- becoming refugees in their own land. Earlier in May, the army launched a similar offensive against the Taliban in Swat. Though the Taliban have withdrawn, life in Swat is far from normal today.

The region has been neglected by Islamabad for long. It has a feudal society based on tribal loyalty. Tribal affairs expert Rahimullah Yusufzai has described Waziristan as a "Black Hole." The Pakistan army has little or no intelligence on this mountainous terrain of goat tracks, caves and thick forests. The battle here will be treacherous. The militants fighting a guerilla war will melt into the mountains and lie low for the time being.

How did Pakistan come to this pass? In its history of six decades Pakistan has repeatedly been manhandled and mauled by the army. Military governments, to justify their interventions, had kept the Kashmir issue alive, which they consider as their "front yard." They actively aided and abetted a strong secessionist insurgency in Indian occupied Kashmir. In their "backyard" -- Afghanistan -- they armed and funded the Mujahideens to evict the Soviets (1989), with US assistance. When the different factions of Mujahideen failed to govern and pushed the country to civil war, ISI decided to oust the Mujahideen.

Pakistan then created the Taliban and let it loose from across the Durand Line to evict the Mujahideen from Kabul (1996). The Taliban installed themselves in Kabul, enforced oppressive laws on the people and provided sanctuary to Osama Bin Laden's al-Qaeda. Like the Mujahideen, the Taliban also got out of Pakistan's control. Soon after 9/11, the US launched military operation "Enduring Freedom" in October 2001 and ousted the Taliban-led government of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The Taliban fled to the mountains from Kabul and remained active to "fight another day." They are now on the doorsteps of Islamabad (and Kabul).

The US has been helping Pakistan to contain the menace of the Taliban. Unfortunately, it is the Pakistan army that cooperates with the US military -- the elected civilian government has no control over these policies of Pakistan. Even now, the whole show is being run by army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani. Recently, the Kayani-Zardari confrontation again came in focus.

The Kerry-Lugar Bill for providing $7.5 billion to Pakistan over the next 5 years has further deteriorated the relations between the president and the army chief. The army and the civilian government were at loggerheads when Washington demanded that the civilian government maintains control over the armed forces. Kayani rejected the condition, saying it eroded Pakistan's sovereignty.

The US has a number of objectives for its involvement in the region. First, to keep a close watch over Pakistan's nuclear arsenal -- the "Islamic bomb" must not be used against Israel. Washington has been spending millions of dollars to help Pakistan secure its nuclear warheads and laboratories from falling into "enemy hands" -- meaning the Taliban and Al Qaeda. There are reports that US forces are actually involved in guarding the nuclear sites of Pakistan. Second, close relations with Pakistan help its policy of encircling China. India is now an important ally in that policy. Third, the US has eyes on the rich resources of the region -- particularly Afghanistan's untapped oil and gas reserves.

The resurgence of Taliban raises a number of questions. Who gains from the current turmoil in Pakistan and Afghanistan? Is it only the drug money of Afghanistan which is helping them to buy weapons? Are the Taliban really so powerful that they can topple the civilian government in Islamabad? There are no clear answers.

It is unlikely that the Taliban will take over Pakistan, unless aided by a powerful state. Pakistan's interior minister has accused India of aiding the Taliban to weaken Pakistan. If that be the case, Delhi may not find it amusing if Pakistan disintegrates and the extremist elements of Afghanistan and Pakistan together install themselves at its doorstep. The other possibility is that Israel and CIA is trying to make Pakistan dysfunctional and create a situation to take over control of its nuclear arsenal. China will certainly react to such an eventuality. Indeed, a Balkanised Pakistan will be to the advantage of neither Delhi nor Washington.

Pakistan still has a powerful and functioning military that has tasted state power in the past. The civilian government of Asif Ali Zardari should immediately patch up all differences with General Kayani. It should recognise that today Pakistan is surrounded by inimical states -- India, Afghanistan, Iran. Pakistan's ISI must also give up its policy of destabilising neighbouring countries.

Washington should strengthen Pakistan's civilian government and discourage the army from taking over once again. The US also needs to revise it tactics against the extremists. US drone attacks on targets in the tribal areas has been a major source of discontent amongst ordinary Pakistanis. For the extremists it is an ideological war based on religion.

Even if the Army succeeds in quelling the Tehrik-I-Taliban for now -- extremism is such a malaise that it will linger on and relapse at a later stage. Only a truly democratic political process coupled with modern laws and economic development for the people of the frontier provinces will help resolve this tribal uprising.

Mahmood Hasan is a former Ambassador and Secretary, and Policy Advisor, Centre for Foreign Affairs Studies.

 



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